Professor Carroll Quigley, a Professor of History at the Foreign Service School at Georgetown University who formerly taught at Princeton and Harvard and was a major influence on future president Bill Clinton, was the author of "Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time"---a book of history focusing on economics. A huge tome totaling about 1,300 pages with chapter titles such as "Finance, Commercial Policy, and Business Activity, 1897-1947," it was doubtless considered a dry read from the standpoint of the average Joe---yet incredible revelations are to be found here and there, nestled within.
Tragedy and Hope was in fact withdrawn by its original New York publisher after attention was drawn to it by the likes of the John Birch Society, according to G. Edward Griffin in The Creature From Jekyll Island, but by then there was an edition put out by a California publisher and the "cat was out of the bag" so to speak. Now the book may be purchased through amazon.com, where I got my copy.
If you add many of the biggest revelations with which we are here concerned together, the following is what you get "in a nutshell" so to speak:
A secret society with the aim of maintaining and expanding the British Empire was founded in England at the end of the 19th century by Cecil Rhodes---one of the wealthiest men in the world. This secret society extended branches into all countries of the British Commonwealth and the United States. These national branches, or "Round Table groups," themselves had "front groups" called Royal Institutes of International Affairs---but in America called the Council on Foreign Relations (which became quite powerful).
To assure us he's qualified to write on this, Dr. Quigley states:
"I know of the operations of this network because I have studied it for twenty years and was permitted for two years, in the early 1960's, to examine its papers and secret records. I have no aversion to it or to most of its aims and have, for much of my life, been close to it and to many of its instruments. I have objected, both in the past and recently, to a few of its policies... but in general my chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to remain unknown, and I believe its role in history is significant enough to be known." (p. 950, emphasis added)
So we see that the author of "Tragedy and Hope" regards himself as an "insider"---he considers himself to be on the side of the "network" he writes about---but he breaks with them on the issue of secrecy.
Rather than laboriously produce here extacts of the book, I shall direct you to two pieces by writers of quite different perspectives who provide overviews and quotes---
Henry Makow's 2005 article, "Democracy Is An Illusion"
And an article on the liberal website Daily Kos which features extensive quotation called "How The US Government Was Overthrown In Three Easy Steps"
There is however, one quote I would like to get into here.
"The chief problem of American political life for a long time has been how to make the two Congressional parties more national and international. The argument that the two parties should represent opposed ideals and policies, one, perhaps, of the Right and the other of the Left, is a foolish idea acceptable only to doctrinaire and academic thinkers. Instead, the two parties should be almost identical, so that the American people can ‘throw the rascals out' at any election without leading to any profound or extensive shifts in policy" (Tragedy and Hope: 1247-1248).
This notion of the control of our political system is echoed and connected to the above-mentioned Council on Foreign Relations, albeit non-approvingly, by Senator Barry Goldwater in his book With No Apologies, pp. 277-78 where he asserts it as an actuality:
"When we change presidents, it is understood to mean that the voters are ordering a change in national policy. Since 1945, three different Republicans have occupied the White House for 16 years, and four Democrats have held this most powerful post for 17 years. With the exception of the first seven years of the Eisenhower administration, there has been no appreciable change in foreign or domestic policy direction. When a new President comes on board, there is a great turnover in personnel but no change in policy. Example: During the Nixon years Henry Kissinger, CFR member and Nelson Rockefeller's protege, was in charge of foreign policy. When Jimmy Carter was elected, Kissinger was replaced by Zbigniew Brzezinski, CFR member and David Rockefeller's protege."
See this article in the New American magazine for a much more expansive and up-to-date treatment on this behind-the-scenes control.
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